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DAWN Thu, 02 Sep 2010 05:42:55 PKT
WASHINGTON: Under the shadow of fresh violence, President Barack Obama convened the first direct Israeli-Palestinian talks in two years Wednesday, challenging Middle East leaders to seize a fleeting opportunity to deliver peace to a region haunted by decades of hostility. ''I am hopeful, cautiously hopeful, but hopeful,'' Obama said with the leaders of Jordan, Egypt, Israel and the Palestinians beside him in the crowded East Room of the White House. Earlier Obama had met with each individually, and they gathered afterward for dinner. The mood appeared cordial as the leaders solemnly commenced the talks aimed at creating a sovereign Palestinian state beside a secure Israel. Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and Israeli Prime Minsster Benjamin Netanyahu shook hands warmly and thanked Obama for bringing them together despite such intractable differences as Abbas' demand that Israel end settlement expansion in the West Bank. ''Do we have the wisdom and the courage to walk the path of peace?'' Obama asked. In turn, each of the leaders answered positively but with qualifications. And they spoke of hopes for a breakthrough within the one-year timeframe prescribed by Obama. Netanyahu said his nation desires a lasting peace, not an interlude between wars. He called Abbas ''my partner in peace,'' and said, ''Everybody loses if there is no peace.'' Abbas urged Israel to freeze settlement construction in areas the Palestinians want as part of their new state, and to end its blockade of Gaza, which is controlled by the militant Hamas movement. The settlements issue is a central obstacle to achieving a permanent peace. ''We will spare no effort and we will work diligently and tirelessly to ensure these negotiations achieve their cause,'' Abbas said, as translated into English. Said Jordan's King Abdullah II: ''Mr. President, we need your support as a mediator, honest broker and a partner. If hopes are disappointed again, the price of failure will be too high for all.'' With the Israelis and Palestinians far apart on key issues, expectations for the Washington talks are low, yet the stakes are high. Direct Israeli-Palestinian negotiations broke off in December 2008, in the final weeks of the George W. Bush administration. The Obama administration spent its first 20 months in office coaxing the two sides back to the bargaining table. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a constant source of grievance and unrest among Muslims. The failure of past peace efforts has left both sides with rigid demands and public ambivalence about the value of a negotiated settlement. American officials are hopeful they can get the two sides this week at least to agree to a second round of talks, likely to be held in the second week of September. That could be followed by another meeting among Obama, Netanyahu and Abbas on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly near the end of the month in New York. Beyond the settlements, Israel and the Palestinians face numerous hurdles in resolving other contentious issues, notably the borders of a future Palestinian state, the political status of Jerusalem and the fate of Palestinian refugees. Also complicating the outlook are internal Palestinian divisions that have led to a split between Abbas' West Bank-based administration and Hamas, which controls Gaza. Hamas is not part of the negotiations and has asserted that talks will be futile. It claimed responsibility for attacks against Israelis Tuesday and Wednesday that killed four and wounded two. Each of the leaders pledged to work diligently toward peace, but they also made plain that their own national interests must be satisfied. ''We do not seek a temporary respite between outbursts of terror,'' said Netanyahu. And he stressed the central importance of security assurances for the Jewish state as part of any land-for-peace agreement with the Palestinians. ''We left Lebanon, we got terror. We left Gaza, we got terror. We want to...
GUARDIAN Wed, 18 Aug 2010 09:33:24 GMT
The sacred is only strengthened by all our efforts to define and discuss it awayThe question: Would we be better off with nothing sacred? The cave below the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem is the hidden core of the original Roman Christian temple. Before a service, the priests go down a flight of steps beneath the altar to prepare the Eucharist in private. For half an hour, the cave becomes the Holy of the Holies, a reminder of a time when the difference between the priestly caste and the rest of society was based upon their right of access to sacred places, off-limits to everyone else. But not completely off-limits. There is a peephole, drilled in the iron door that separates the grotto from the network of caves that run beneath the church. When I am in Bethlehem, I can never resist spying. The urge is too strong. Nothing should be immune from an inquisitive mind. Secret knowledge is not knowledge: it is an exercise in power, a way to tell people to shut up, because they don't know what they're talking about. There is no good reason to leave mysteries alone. Yet when scientists or logicians claim to have cleared up any particular mystery, there is always a sleight of hand. A successful laboratory experiment is one that succeeds in re-framing a particular question, thereby satisfying funders, tempting the editors of scientific journals and ultimately building a new consensus. The human genome project, for instance, is less an answer to the mysteries of life and more an attempt to redefine life in a form that can be expressed via digital technology and copyrighted as text. In this way, each advance creates new problems – ethical, epistemological, legal – and a whole set of new mysteries. The same is true of philosophy. All of the big eternal values – love, justice, beauty – are capable of being demystified, but only to a point: at this limit, they remain elusive without ever surrendering their urgency. Wittgenstein once argued that "what we cannot talk about we must pass over in silence", but this is precisely what we can never do. We keep banging on about Justice, capital 'J', for instance, as though it existed outside of any specific legal framework or court judgement and nothing will ever convince us otherwise. So to with Freedom, or Truth, or Love, or Beauty. Our most sacred values are sacred precisely because they escape the process of debates and definition that give rise to them. Given all this, we would surely go mad if we did not, occasionally, surrender. We need moments of humility and quiet submission, because the quest for truth or beauty or justice is so relentless and so crazy. The methods of contemplation offered by the priesthood seem, to me, to be as relevant in the Twenty-First Century as they were two, four or six thousand years ago. Of course, when we surrender ourselves, we are at our most vulnerable. Too often, the priesthood has been guilty of exploiting this vulnerability to exercise power. Even today, the church continues to exploit its unique relationship to the sacred to silence criticism and cover-up abuse. This is a gross offense to the victims, and a grave mistake for the church. Without argument and inquiry, there is no notion of the sacred, and no role for the church. The door with the spy-hole to the cave in the Church of the Nativity marks the line between the western, Catholic side of the church and the eastern Orthodox sector. The split in the original church is, in part, the result of a disagreement over the sacred: the physical nature of Christ. One might argue that open debate in the early church councils only succeeded in tearing the church apart. But the councils were a huge success: they delineated the mysteries that have defined the church as a sacred space for the past 1500 years and more. The existence of church councils, synods, universities and all the other spaces for debate is the great strength of the church. It is the willingness to debate that makes the church...
INDEPENDENT Sat, 31 Jul 2010
The death of five Israeli servicemen in a helicopter crash in Romania this week raised scarcely a headline.

There was a Nato-Israeli exercise in progress. Well, that's OK then. Now imagine the death of five Hamas fighters in a helicopter crash in Romania this week. We'd still be investigating this extraordinary phenomenon. Now mark you, I'm not comparing Israel and Hamas. Israel is the country that justifiably slaughtered more than 1,300 Palestinians in Gaza 19 months ago – more than 300 of them children – while the vicious, blood-sucking and terrorist Hamas killed 13 Israelis (three of them soldiers who actually shot each other by mistake).

But there is one parallel. Judge Richard Goldstone, the eminent Jewish South African judge, decided in his 575-page UN inquiry into the Gaza bloodbath that both sides had committed war crimes – he was, of course, quite rightly called "evil" by all kinds of justifiably outraged supporters of Israel in the US, his excellent report rejected by seven EU governments – and so a question presents itself. What is Nato doing when it plays war games with an army accused of war crimes?

Or, more to the point, what on earth is the EU doing when it cosies up to the Israelis? In a remarkable, detailed – if slightly over-infuriated – book to be published in November, the indefatigable David Cronin is going to present a microscopic analysis of "our" relations with Israel. I have just finished reading the manuscript. It leaves me breathless. As he says in his preface, "Israel has developed such strong political and economic ties to the EU over the past decade that it has become a member state of the union in all but name." Indeed, it was Javier Solana, the grubby top dog of the EU's foreign policy (formerly Nato secretary general), who actually said last year that "Israel, allow me to say, is a member of the European Union without being a member of the institution".

Pardon me? Did we know this? Did we vote for this? Who allowed this to happen? Does David Cameron – now so forcefully marketing Turkish entry to the EU – agree with this? Probably yes, since he goes on calling himself a "friend of Israel" after that country produced an excellent set of forged British passports for its murderers in Dubai.

HAARETZ Sat, 31 Jul 2010
What happened to the 130,000 Syrian citizens living in the Golan Heights in June 1967? According to the Israeli narrative, they all fled to Syria, but official documents and testimonies tell a different story.

The ground offensive was preceded by three days of artillery shelling and bombing from the air. Many of the Syrian outposts were hit in the bombings, as were a good number of houses, animal sheds and other civilian structures. And there were human casualties, too, of course. According to most testimony, the flight of civilians toward Damascus began then, and involved tens of thousands of people.

There is no question that many civilians joined the fleeing Syrian army forces both before and after the offensive. Many, but not all. A Syrian estimate a week after the war stated that only about 56,000 civilians had abandoned the Golan at that point.

Shalem believes the inhabitants left the villages as soon as the shelling started, but says they didn't abandon their land and apparently were waiting to return home once the battles ended: "It's a behavior pattern we'd seen in earlier conquests in the war ... Civilians flee their homes, but stay where they can maintain eye contact with the village, to see how things evolve. These were simple folks for the most part, not big politicians by any means, and in the absence of any leadership they did what was necessary to preserve their homes and property."

Shalem's account is supported by most of the testimonies of fighters interviewed for this article. Almost everyone who poked his head out of his tank or armored vehicle remembers seeing hundreds of Syrian civilians gathered outside the villages during the two days of fighting in the Golan.

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Clip is from American Radical: The Trials of Norman Finkelstein.

Lowkey's new promo for "Long Live Palestine" song - Buy this track from the 3rd January 2010 to get this into the UK Charts!
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Get News & Follow the convoy:
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 Thursday, 02 Sep 2010 23:47:57 UTC/GMT

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