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TIMESONLINE Wed, 09 Jun 2010
Military chiefs are also accused of giving the advice that politicians and civil servants wanted to hear, rather than the cold facts that might make the political imperative — on this occasion, leading the Nato charge into southern Afghanistan — less palatable.

Muddying the planning process was a failure by the intelligence community to present a fuller analysis of the Taleban threat in Helmand, deeming it to be a containable force that numbered only hundreds — an estimate that proved inaccurate.

That contributed to a sense of blind confidence within Whitehall, where a principle concern was that the goal to enhance a tiny, American provincial reconstruction team in Helmand would be so successful it would put other provinces to shame. “There was a three-year time frame and Helmand would be peaceful, stable and prosperous,” said a civilian involved in the planning. “We said the time frame didn’t make any sense. We got huge push back from Whitehall, who wanted us to write something different for the ministers.”

General Mackay, who left the Army last year, accused the military of allowing itself to be politicised and “too acquiescent in rolling over to political bidding”. Such a culture, he said, promoted mediocrity. “The genesis of this approach is born of complacency, the thought that ‘we can deal with it as and when it happens’. It resulted, I believe, in the upper echelons of government (political, civil and military) going into Helmand with their eyes shut and their fingers crossed.

WORLDPRESSNETWORK 9 June 2010
By cartoonist Leon Kuhn whose work can also be seen on his own website http://www.leonkuhn.org.uk where postcards of some of his cartoons can be ordered.

See Leon Kuhn's page on "SpideredNews | Politics" at http://www.spiderednews.com/LeonKuhn.htm
GUARDIAN Wed, 14 Apr 2010 13:18:56 GMT
Campaigning and advocacy organisation One is using social media to ensure international development is on UK general election agenda The advocacy organisation One last night launched an online campaign to ensure international development is not forgotten in the run up to the UK general election next month. The One Vote 2010 campaign is using online social media platforms such as Twitter and Facebook to encourage the public to petition politicians and candidates on development issues and to get them "on the record" with their election pledges. So, if your MP, or prospective MP, says the UK aid commitment should be increased to 0.8%, tweet it, stick it on Facebook, tell the world, and hold that person to account after May 6. To get the ball rolling, the campaign began with short videos from each of the three main political parties (featuring Gordon Brown, David Cameron and Nick Clegg), outlining their policies on development. According to Weldon Kennedy, One's online campaigns manager, these videos were in response to requests from thousands of One supporters. One has quite an army of supporters - around 2 million of them are registered around the world. It also has 122,500 Facebook fans and more than 430,000 followers on Twitter. Alexander Woollcombe, One's UK government relations manager, says the videos give the public a chance to compare and contrast the policies of each party, but he adds: "The overarching reason for the campaign is to raise the profile of international development in the election campaign and beyond. Getting politicians on the record gives us something to hold them accountable for." He wants the public to write to their MPs, turn up to hustings and spread the word about the campaign through social media sites, then "politicians will have to take these issues seriously". One Vote 2010 is modelled on a campaign used by the organisation during the US elections in 2008, which featured video statements from Barack Obama and John McCain and mobilised tens of thousands of supporters across the US. One believes the campaign helped shape both Democrat and Republican development policies. Indeed it received the Center for Global Development's commitment to development award for the impact it had on making global poverty a leading foreign policy issue. Tom Hart, senior director, US government relations at One, says the American election campaign "really set the issues forward". "Every US candidate was talking about our issues on the record, taking positions." Hart says Obama's government went into the White House already armed with a number of initiatives on Africa. "We played a role in his [Obama's] ambitions," says Hart. Fifteen months on, is the Obama administration delivering on development? "I would give them high marks so far. It's still early and the administration is dealing with an extremely difficult financial situation," he says diplomatically. He added that there are "real challenges" in getting policy through Congress, which is why it was important that the public continued to push politicians on development. One of Obama's election pledges was to double foreign assistance, which clearly included "strategic financing" for countries such as Afghanistan and Iraq. Hart said One is less focused on the financial commitment and more on the substantive commitments – what's the government doing on tackling HIV and malaria, or supporting agriculture or getting every child into school, for example. Hart did, however, add that One would be checking that funding commitments didn't slip "dangerously" towards increased spending on specific defence initiatives. Woollcombe echoed these sentiments. He believes that development "needs to be at the heart" of all international policies, whether that relates to security, climate change or agricultural policies, and that would be his hope for the next parliament, whichever party gets in. "Development needs to be on the table," he says, adding that One "will be..
HAARETZ Tue, 16 Mar 2010 15:25:55 GMT+02:00
Hamas has designated this day, in this place, its Day of Rage. Why, then, the smiles on the faces of Mahmoud Zahar and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad?

Perhaps it's because after more than 22 years of costly trial and error, Hamas has finally come upon the secret of how to bring down the Jewish state:

Let the ship sink itself.

This month, down here in the engine room of the Titanic, a single coherent order continues to sound from the officers shrouded in fog on the bridge: "More power!"

To the delight of Mahmoud Zahar and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Israel's homemade weapons of mass destruction - pro-settlement bureaucrats with conflicts of financial and ideological interest - have done in one meeting what Israel's foes have sought for generations: driving a stake through the heart of Israel's relationship with the White House.
...
The Holy City, meanwhile, has the held-breath wariness of a fuse whose end had been lit, but whose other end was not in sight. For some on the right, there was evident relish in the situation, and not a little pride.

In one of the more remarkable, and ill-advised, editorials in its 77-year history, the Jerusalem Post poured oil on the smolder this week, rewriting Jewish history and tradition to declare that the newly dedicated Hurva synagogue in the Old City, "symbolizes, perhaps more than any other site, the Jewish people's yearnings to return to its homeland."

The piece is an extraordinary example of internal logic, and an indirect confirmation of fundamentalist Islamic fears of hopes to encroach on the Muslim shrine of Al Aqsa for the ultimate purpose of building a third Jewish Temple. Referring to the literal meaning of the Hurva, the editorial goes on to state that "To name something that is built a 'ruin' reveals a stubborn unwillingness to accept the present reality as unassailable."

GUARDIAN Tue, 23 Feb 2010 00:05:19 GMT
President Obama has opted for a version of healthcare reform that was passed by the Senate and contains added sweeteners There have been so many versions of healthcare reform in the last year that people have lost count. But there have been none, until yesterday, with Barack Obama's name on. That is because when he first set out on this increasingly booby-trapped path, he thought he had learned from Hillary Clinton's (and her husband's) debacle in 1993, when the idea was to submit a fully formed plan to Congress and then strike a deal with Republicans. This time round, Mr Obama enunciated principles but remained haughtily vague on the details, leaving it up to Congress to hammer them out. That proved to be one of the biggest mistakes he has made, and the two houses of Congress passed different bills which have gridlocked the system. So the first break with recent practice in the 11-page summary published on the White House website yesterday was its title: The president's proposal. It turned out to be a modest one. Essentially, it is the version of healthcare reform that was passed by the Senate, with added sweeteners, the chief of which is the creation of a body that will have the power to regulate increases in insurance premiums. This is an element which had not surfaced in either the house or Senate bills, but which capitalises on the anger created by premium increases of up to 39% announced by an insurer in California. There are other changes, such as an end to the special deal to win the support of a wavering Democrat senator for Nebraska, and delays on a tax on high-end insurance plans. But there is no return to the public option contained in the house bill, a government-run insurance scheme which would drive down the premiums of private insurance companies, and this will anger some Democrats in the house. The president's proposal was presented as an opening bid of a bipartisan debate, part of which will take place on television tomorrow. In reality, all thoughts of getting Republicans onside have been abandoned. So a public debate is a way of turning the populist tables on the Republicans, of challenging them to produce their counter-proposals or appear obstructionist to a nation calling for answers in an election year. Mr Obama's problems lie not just with an opposition whose mere threat of a filibuster is enough to stop a vote. They lie also with his own party, which comprises such a variety of wildlife, from the radical reformer to the rabbit transfixed in headlights, as to make the very words "healthcare reform" optimistic. Mr Obama now has a policy, but it remains to be seen whether he has a process that would survive the centre ground of his own party. In any event, there is no way back for him and no obvious tactical retreat. If this attempt fails, his presidency will be bogged down. Obama administration Barack Obama US healthcare US domestic policy Health policy Healthcare industry US Congress guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
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 Thursday, 02 Sep 2010 21:13:41 UTC/GMT

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