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GUARDIAN Mon, 22 Mar 2010 06:00:01 GMT
Andy Burnham still convinced that ageing population will have to do more to pay for their own future care Labour is likely to backtrack on plans to implement a so-called death tax to pay for long term care saying it will not introduce any definitive final reform in the next parliament. The intention is to take the heat out of the issue during the election in an attempt to reconstruct a cross-party consensus afterwards . The government is due to introduce a national care service in a white paper in the next few weeks, but appears to recognise that it is too close to the election to introduce a tax to pay for the scheme. It will set out a phased process towards a final reform allowing the electorate to look at the issue again in a further election. The decision is likely to be seen as a defeat for those arguing the government needed to take a bold approach in the face of repeated delay and evidence of a funding shortfall. A recent comprehensive Lords defeat over interim plans to provide free care at home for those 400,000 in need of intensive care has also complicated the issue. But the health secretary Andy Burnham remains convinced that Britain's ageing population will have to do more to pay for their own future care, either by having a means tested percentage of the value of a person's estate deducted when they die, or through some form of social insurance. There is concern in the cabinet at the prospect of the proposals being distorted as a fresh round of taxes by the rightwing media. They admit that a pre-election atmosphere is not the right environment in which to introduce major social reforms. Cabinet ministers have hit back at critics of the proposals saying that many of the elderly are suffering a dementia tax that is forcing them to sell their own homes to pay for the long term care. A previous Guardian report highlighting government plans to introduce a levy at the time of death led to the Tories publishing adverts warning of Labour's £20,000 death tax. A fragile cross party consensus between Labour, the Tories and the Liberal Democrats also collapsed amid recriminations over responsibility for the collapse. The Tories have compared the idea of a compulsory levy to the voluntary insurance system they propose, which suggests an optional, one-off payment of £8,000 at 65 to cover the cost of future care. Critics say such a scheme has no prospect of raising the cash, put at around £400m a year, necessary to keep pace with the demands of an increasingly elderly population. The white paper is likely to set out some transitional scheme including help for those in most severe need followed by a right to defer pensions to pay for care. The chief option is for the government to fund up to 50% of social care costs, with the remainder being paid for by a compulsory levy on the value of a person's estate. The Kings Fund has proposed the government paying £2 for every £1 paid by individuals towards their care costs. Economic policy Health policy Long-term care Tax and spending Labour Older people Patrick Wintour guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
GUARDIAN Mon, 22 Mar 2010 05:20:12 GMT
Winning the vote for healthcare reform in Congress last night showed that Obama was right to keep fighting Some myths got slain last night in Washington DC. For one thing, the Democratic party rediscovered its vertebrae and used it, for a change, to pass healthcare reform. For another, the myth that the US political structure is broken and cannot digest fundamental issues … well, it took a dent. Minutes after the final passage of the bills through the House of Representatives, President Obama got on with selling the reforms to the American public, going live on television despite the late hour. "This is what change looks like," Obama said, minutes before midnight, tying together his election promises of change with his commitments to reforming healthcare. "We proved that this government of the people and by the people still works for the people." Obama looked exhausted, having spent the weekend winning over House Democrats. Bismark's epigram equating the messy business of passing legislation and making sausages has been repeated so often during Congress's healthcare debate that US cable news viewers on Sunday night might have expected to see meat-grinders operating in Congress. But if there was any blood on the floor during the closing moments of the vote on healthcare reform, it came from the Republican party, whose members looked dangerously close to opening their own veins. There was John Boehner, the most senior House Republican, giving a splenetic harangue punctuated with "Hell no!", in place of summing up his party's case. Then there was the mystery Republican congressman who shouted "baby killer" at Democrat Bart Stupak when Stupak swatted away a Republican procedural amendment aimed at killing the bill. Stupak was a vital figure yesterday. It was his last-minute deal with Obama that led his bloc of conservative, anti-abortion Democrats to vote for the bill. That was why the Democratic leadership looked relaxed as the final vote approached. Shortly after 10.45pm, the floor of the House erupted into cheers as the 216th "yea" vote, the crucial casting one, sent healthcare reform onto the statute books and into the history books. Nancy Pelosi, the speaker, had consistently predicted that she would have the votes when it came down to it. Once again, Pelosi delivered, proving herself to be the best Democratic parliamentary manager since Sam Rayburn. At this rate they'll have to name a building after her. But since nothing is ever perfect in Washington, there's always room for criticism. They call it "Monday morning quarterbacking" in America – using the benefit of hindsight to sound insightful about the tactics that a team should have used. It's Monday morning and there will be plenty of quarterbacking going on over the healthcare reform vote last night, most of it fruitless. The key fact from last night's vote is not what the margin was or the procedure used. The fact that it happened at all that was the real miracle. "Tonight at a time when the pundits said it was no longer possible, we rose above the weight of politics," Obama said in his late-night post-vote address. A few weeks ago, the prospects for healthcare reform looked dead, after the Republicans appeared to be riding a backlash that won it the jewel of Ted Kennedy's old Senate seat. But two and a half months later and here we are: picking over a Democratic victory that remakes the US healthcare system. Let's not forget that this process formally began a year ago. In that time Barack Obama expended an unusually high amount of political capital in backing the legislation – more than Bill Clinton expended in his hand-wringing attempt to overhaul healthcare, and far more than George Bush in his ham-fisted attempt to remake social security. Obama has now surpassed them both in constructing domestic policy. Some argued that Obama shouldn't have attempted to reform healthcare in his first term, that he should have consolidated his power and that of the...
GUARDIAN Mon, 22 Mar 2010 02:49:20 GMT
In the annals of American liberalism, a (very) few years in our history stand out enough that the mere mention of the year summons a waterfall of images and emotions – 1933 means the start of the New Deal and the birth of modern liberalism, 1964 means the passage of the civil rights act, 1965 means the passage of universal healthcare for the elderly. Now, in the wake of this morning's narrow margin in the House of Representatives, 2010 joins that short list: the year we finally passed major healthcare reform after a century of trying. It is a monumental accomplishment. The story of that century of failure is a story of multiple plots and subplots, but at its heart the story is about the tension in American society between the individual and the community – whether we are just a loose confederation of individuals who should be left alone to pursue self interest, or something more than that, a community of citizens with mutual ties and obligations. I know that sounds awfully highfalutin and philosophical, but it's precisely what the healthcare debate, both the current and historic versions, has been about. Your average American thinks, I have my insurance coverage, so why should I worry about the loser who hasn't bothered to get his? For people who work hard and aren't exactly wallowing in spare dollars, it's a fair question to ask. But there is an answer to it, which is that in the long run, if coverage is universal and insurance companies face stricter rules, society will benefit, and your average American will benefit too, in the form of lower costs and better care. The problem, of course, is that most people don't believe that. There are many reasons for this, but a central one is that very wealthy and powerful interests have spent blood-curdling amounts of money convincing them that extending insurance to 32 million more of their fellow citizens (and yes, citizens only – not undocumented immigrants) will be at least detrimental to them and more probably calamitous. A record $3.47 billion was spent lobbying Congress last year. Not all of that was about health care, but a hefty chunk of it was, and the vast majority of it by corporations and associations that wanted to kill the bill outright or shape it to reflect their financial priorities. It's been those two forces – that deeply embedded philosophical resistance to the notion of a common interest, lashed to those billions from corporations whose oxen reform might gore – that have killed efforts like this one every time. The defeat of them is indeed a rare thing in American history. It did not, you may have noticed, come easily. The Democrats pulled it out in the end, but they – especially the Democrats in Congress – behaved abominably throughout this process. Dozens of Democrats – mostly moderates, but a few on the left, too – acted more like members of a small-town city council considering a zoning application than legislators considering one of the most momentous votes in recent American history. And while it's certainly true that a "yea" vote last night will prove to be a risky one for some members, and will cost a few of them their jobs, even that reality is no justification for the preening and fretting we've witnessed in these recent weeks, weeks they could and should have spent promoting the bill. Sometimes one had to wonder why some of these people are Democrats in the first place. Barack Obama, speaking to Democratic legislators on Saturday, sought to remind them of this, and he did so in just the philosophical terms I discussed above: "Something inspired you to get involved, and something inspired you to be a Democrat instead of running as a Republican. Because somewhere deep in your heart you said to yourself, I believe in an America in which we don't just look out for ourselves … but we also have a sense of neighborliness and a sense of community, and we are willing to look out for one another and help people who are vulnerable and help people who....
WORLDPRESSNETWORK Sun, 21 Mar 2010
wow....check this BBC documentary about power to people, first 10 mins explains

Why directly elected mayor is good. It is objective and talks about pros and cons, but overall Micheal Portillo who was a conservative politician argues for a directly elected mayors for greater democracy.

Watch it!

http://www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/episode/b0 ... he_People/

Thanks to "Yesfor Mayor - One Tower Hamlets. One community. One Mayor." for highlighting.
http://www.facebook.com/home.php#!/prof ... 0702161140
"Fed up with the status quo in Tower Hamlets? Want change and progress? Well its not good enough just to join the group, register to vote and tell your friends and family about 'Yes for Mayor'......make it happen on the 6th of May"
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